Wirtualna Polska reported on Dziennik Gazeta Prawna’s paywalled article about Zelensky’s plan to improve Ukraine’s image in Poland after it radically worsened following his decision to glorify the Volhynia Genocide’s OUN-UPA culprits at the state level in late May. According to their sources, Ukraine will hire a PR agency to promote their country among the remaining Ukrainian-friendly half of the Polish population, and the agency will emphasize the “Russian threat” and historical Polish-Ukrainian alliances.
Closer cooperation with businesses, experts, and media is also in the cards, but most scandalously, “Ukrainian intelligence agencies are seeking evidence of Russian funding of Polish anti-Ukrainian groups.” It was already advised in mid-July when Zelensky first made superficial outreaches to Poland that “Poles Shouldn’t Let Themselves Be Duped By Zelensky’s Dishonest Reconciliation Attempt”. Now, however, Poles should also prepare for Ukrainian intelligence provocations against the opposition.
The two conservative parties and the two libertarian-nationalist ones, which collectively have enough support per reputable polling (including from politically unfriendly Politico) to form a coalition government after fall 2027’s next Sejm elections, are all critical of Ukraine to various extents. It’s therefore in Ukraine’s national interests as its incumbent authorities and their “deep state” allies perceive them to be to prevent these four parties, by hook or by crook, from coming to power.
To that end, it wouldn’t be surprising if they concoct faux “evidence” in support of their politically driven speculation that one, some, or all four of them are somehow or another financed by Russia, the campaign of which could even be coordinated with Poland’s ruling liberal coalition. After all, Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski have long claimed that this is the case, the overall allegation of which was discredited here and exposed as a crude electioneering ploy.
It would therefore be unsurprising if such faux “evidence” soon emerges (and continues being fed by Ukraine to the Polish media up till the eve of fall 2027’s next Sejm elections) and is presented as fact by those two and other members of the ruling liberal coalition. The targeted opposition group(s) could also face Russiagate-like persecution by the security services with the goal of discrediting them in the public’s eye, possibly banning them, and even jailing their falsely implicated party members and/or leaders.
Ukraine’s German patron, which de facto leads the EU and with whom Tusk is so close that conservative grey cardinal Jarosław Kaczyński once accused him of being a “German agent”, could amplify these allegations and even try to expel the implicated party/parties from the European Parliament. Like Ukraine, Germany also doesn’t want them to come to power since those parties are equally critical of it as they are of Ukraine, plus continued liberal rule could further subordinate Poland to Germany.
“Poland Finally Realizes The Geostrategic Challenge Posed By Ukraine” as a German-backed rival for leadership over Central & Eastern Europe, especially over the Baltic States, but that’s only with respect to what the opposition believes and not the ruling liberal coalition. Another four years of divided governance between a conservative president and a liberal prime minister if the opposition loses could lead to more lost opportunities that would be exploited by Germany and Ukraine at Poland’s expense.
What’s at stake in fall 2027’s next parliamentary elections therefore isn’t just the composition of the Sejm and whether or not Tusk remains in his post, but the direction of Polish foreign policy in the post-war era and the country’s consequent role in the new European security architecture that’s forming. Ukraine’s reported election meddling campaign, which would likely be aided by Poland’s ruling liberals and their shared German allies if it happens, is accordingly a geopolitical power play of the highest order.
