The Polish Sejm passed a bill in favor of making 11 July a “Day of Remembrance of Poles – victims of genocide committed by the OUN-UPA in the Eastern Borderlands of the Second Polish Republic”. It’ll now go to the Senate and then have to be signed by the President, but no problems are expected. This move aims to formalize the Sejm’s 2016 resolution to the same effect by making 11 July a state holiday. It predictably led to a furious response from Ukraine that was conveyed via a post by its Foreign Ministry.
They downplayed the torture and killing of over 120,000 Poles, most of whom were women and children, by calling it a “so-called” genocide while implying that the bill “could lead to increased tension in bilateral relations”. They also added that “Once again, we remind you that Poles should not look for enemies among Ukrainians, and Ukrainians should not look for enemies among Poles. We have a common enemy – Russia.” Suffice to say, Poles are infuriated, and they’re expressing it under the post.
This isn’t an insignificant scandal. First, the Volhynia Genocide issue is very emotive for Poles since Ukraine hasn’t apologized nor made amends, with it only just now beginning to exhume a handful of bodies in order to finally give them a proper burial. Second, liberals and conservatives united in the Sejm to push through this bill, thus proving that it’s a bipartisan issue. And third, Ukraine’s disgraceful response comes right after the Polish presidential election, whose outcome is bad news for Kiev.
That’s because conservative candidate Karol Nawrocki signed an eight-point pledge prior to his second-round victory where he promised not to support Ukraine’s membership in NATO nor to deploy troops there. He’s also the President of the Institute of National Remembrance, which has done more than any other entity in the world to raise the widest possible awareness of the Volhynia Genocide. Upon assuming office on 6 August, Nawrocki is therefore expected to pursue a hard line towards Ukraine.
Even though the President collaborates with the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs in creating foreign policy, which could lead to problems since the first is from the opposition (both incumbent and successor), bipartisan unity on the Volhynia Genocide issue can help. After all, it was none other than liberal Prime Minister Donald Tusk who first pursued a harder line towards Ukraine, which his conservative predecessor only flirted with right before fall 2023’s Sejm elections.
Back then, the grain dispute was the only issue souring bilateral ties, but Tusk’s government revived the Volhynia Genocide dispute, cut Ukraine off from free arms (they’ll now be sold on credit), and explicitly declared that he wants Poland to profit from Ukraine. To be sure, this might have also been a failed electioneering tactic just like his predecessor was accused of orchestrating at the time, but it’s arguably taken on a life of its own that Nawrocki’s election and the Sejm’s bill might soon take to the next level.
All in all, Ukraine refuses to recognize the Volhynia Genocide since doing so would discredit its modern-day post-Maidan “national heroes” from the World War II era even more than they already are, so it’s instead downplaying this crime and suggesting that Poles are Russia’s useful idiots for remembering it. This is incredibly disrespectful and Poles are rightfully infuriated, which could easily galvanize the population in support of a much harder line towards Ukraine than anything that’s come before.
